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Brexit civil servant in charge of no-deal planning quitsThe top government official in charge of no-deal Brexit planning has quit just as the chances of crashing out of the EU appear to have increased.Tom Shinner, 33, director of policy and delivery coordination at the Department for Exiting the EU, was in charge of coordinating the domestic policy implications of Brexit across government departments to ensure a smooth exit from the EU.
Cita de: CHOSEN en Junio 27, 2019, 22:24:59 pmYa no hay cajas de ahorros (banca pública). No hay nada que rescatar.No te lo crees ni tú.Bueno, tú quizá sí.
Ya no hay cajas de ahorros (banca pública). No hay nada que rescatar.
Añadiré una tercera.Si se pretendiera rescatar algo, no habría con qué. Y aunque hubiese en caja -para la extra de verano se ha pedido prestado- la UE YA tiene mecanismos que lo impiden (véase el movimiento Popular - Santander).
OpinionWhat Happened to America’sPolitical Center of Gravity?By Sahil ChinoyJUNE 26, 2019The Republican Party leans much farther right than most traditional conservative parties in Western Europe and Canada, according to an analysis of their election manifestos. It is more extreme than Britain’s Independence Party and France’s National Rally (formerly the National Front), which some consider far-right populist parties. The Democratic Party, in contrast, is positioned closer to mainstream liberal parties.
These findings are based on data from the Manifesto Project [ https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ ], which reviews and categorizes each line in party manifestos, the documents that lay out a group’s goals and policy ideas. We used the topics that the platforms emphasize, like market regulation and multiculturalism, to put them on a common scale.The resulting scores capture how the groups represent themselves, not necessarily their actual policies. They are one way to answer a difficult question: If we could put every political party on the same continuum from left to right, where would the American parties fall?According to its 2016 manifesto, the Republican Party lies far from the Conservative Party in Britain and the Christian Democratic Union in Germany — mainstream right-leaning parties — and closer to far-right parties like Alternative for Germany, whose platform contains plainly xenophobic, anti-Muslim statements.The Republican platform does not include the same bigoted policies, and its score is pushed to the right because of its emphasis on traditional morality and a “national way of life.” Still, the party shares a “nativist, working-class populism” with the European far right, said Thomas Greven, a political scientist at the Free University of Berlin who has studied right-wing populism. These parties position themselves as defenders of the “traditional” people from globalization and immigration, he said.
The difference is that in Europe, far-right populist parties are often an alternative to the mainstream. In the United States, the Republican Party is the mainstream.“That’s the tragedy of the American two-party system,” Mr. Greven said. In a multiparty government, white working-class populists might have been shunted into a smaller faction, and the Republicans might have continued as a “big tent” conservative party. Instead, the Republican Party has allowed its more extreme elements to dominate. “Nowhere in Europe do you have that phenomenon,” he said.The situation predates the current administration, Mr. Greven said. While we could analyze Republican manifestos only through the 2016 election, since then, President Trump has openly expressed approval for politicians like Marine Le Pen, the far-right leader of France’s National Rally, who was recently ordered to stand trial for posting pictures on Twitter of killings by the Islamic State.The Democrats fall closer to mainstream left and center-left parties in other countries, like the Social Democratic Party in Germany and Britain’s Labour Party, according to their manifestos’ scores.And the United States’ political center of gravity is to the right of other countries’, partly because of the lack of a serious left-wing party. Between 2000 and 2012, the Democratic manifestos were to the right of the median party platform. The party has moved left but is still much closer to the center than the Republicans.
To calculate these scores, we used a statistical technique called correspondence analysis, analyzing how frequently the party platforms mention each topic coded by the Manifesto Project. Each mention of a particular category pushes the party’s score to the left or the right.To see how it works, here’s part of the Republican platform, which lauds free enterprise and traditional morality:
Left and right roughly map onto today’s notions of progressive and conservative, though newer issues like climate change don’t always fit neatly into those buckets, and the meaning of left and right can shift from country to country. In our study, the categories that contributed most to the left-right scores were both economic, like Marxist analysis, and social, like references to a “national way of life.”
The Republican Party’s position among the European far right is especially striking because of the United States’ two-party system, which leaves less room for fringe groups. As a result, parties are “forced to deal in platitudes, usually in competing for the center,” said Richard Bensel, a professor of political science at Cornell.But, he added, there’s “something very strange happening in recent American politics”: Theory says that two-party systems generate “moderate, unprincipled parties,” but the Republicans and Democrats have grown more distinct.“Democracy doesn’t work with that kind of polarization,” he said.Sahil Chinoy is a graphics editor for The New York Times Opinion section.
Alguien tiene en mente los acontecimientos y fechas del pinchazo del 08?Lo estoy intentando reconstruir mentalmente y me sale que estamos en 06 o 07 dependiendo de si los tempos se replican o no.Cómo hitos, creo recordar que el dólar tocó fondo en 1'6 en feb 08, que Lehman cayó en set 08 y que el BcE subió tipos creo que en 09, aunque no recuerdo si la FED lo hizo antes y si fue lo que provocó la caída de Lehman o fue al revés.En fin, que hoy creo que estamos en verano del 07.Comentarios?Gracias.Sds.
[…] el escenario cambió a partir de 2004, año en que la Reserva Federal de los Estados Unidos comenzó a subir los tipos de interés para controlar la inflación. Desde ese año hasta el 2006 el tipo de interés pasó del 1% al 5,25%. El crecimiento del precio de la vivienda, que había sido espectacular entre los años 2001 y 2005, se convirtió en descenso sostenido. En agosto de 2005 el precio de la vivienda y la tasa de ventas cayeron en buena parte de los Estados Unidos de manera abrupta. Las ejecuciones hipotecarias debidas al impago de la deuda crecieron de forma espectacular, y numerosas entidades comenzaron a tener problemas de liquidez para devolver el dinero a los inversores o recibir financiación de los prestamistas. El total de ejecuciones hipotecarias del año 2006 ascendió a 1.200.000, lo que llevó a la quiebra a medio centenar de entidades hipotecarias en el plazo de un año.
"Porque aparecerán falsos mesías y falsos profetas que harán milagros y prodigios asombrosos, capaces de engañar, si fuera posible, a los mismos elegidos.Por eso los prevengo.[…]Así también, cuando vean todas estas cosas, sepan que el fin está cerca, a la puerta." [Mateo 24, 24-25 y 33]
Negative interest rates take investors into surreal territoryThis summer, Germany’s housing market has turned into Alice in Wonderland: the yield on five-year bonds issued by mortgage banks slid to minus 0.2 per cent, compared to a level of plus 5 per cent a decade ago.That means investors are essentially paying for the privilege of lending money into Europe’s largest property sector. Economic logic — or gravity — has been turned on its head.(...)Today it is hard to blame negative rates on a specific “event”, with the possible exception of those who believe that Donald Trump’s threatened trade war will now deliver a devastating breakdown in global trade. Instead, the investors, economists and policymakers are increasingly pointing to long-term structural explanations for the shift to negative rates. They cite demographics, specifically that the ageing of developed world populations may be suppressing demand, and speculate that technological innovation may be dragging prices down. Some also argue for secular stagnation, which is when low demand and a reluctance to invest creates a self-reinforcing downward loop.(...)The bottom line is this: the more that the economic consensus quietly starts to attribute negative rates to structural issues, rather than idiosyncratic shocks or the economic cycle, the more likely they are to assume that this pattern is here to stay. They feel a diminishing sense of urgency about the need to hedge against future rate rises.
Why buyers are turning away from luxury propertyGovernments have succeeded in damping high-end markets that had become stores of overseas wealth. But they now face a more complex challenge: pushing forward construction of affordable homes for the average and lower-paid workers who keep their cities running.
https://www.ft.com/content/ea9c9abc-943d-11e9-aea1-2b1d33ac3271CitarWhy buyers are turning away from luxury propertyGovernments have succeeded in damping high-end markets that had become stores of overseas wealth. But they now face a more complex challenge: pushing forward construction of affordable homes for the average and lower-paid workers who keep their cities running.
Cita de: CHOSEN en Junio 28, 2019, 19:15:45 pmAñadiré una tercera.Si se pretendiera rescatar algo, no habría con qué. Y aunque hubiese en caja -para la extra de verano se ha pedido prestado- la UE YA tiene mecanismos que lo impiden (véase el movimiento Popular - Santander).La alternativa a un rescate (abierto o de tapadillo como la última vez) del sistema bancario español y del resto de los PIIGS (porque de los PIIGS caen por lo menos 3, seguramente todos) es la disolución del €uro y devaluación. La eurozona pagará el pato de una forma u otra.
Si claro.La disolución del euro.Como no se me había pasado por la cabeza... Y respecto a la devaluación del euro, llevo repitiendo meses que Italia y España serán utilizados como válvula de escape (control de daños) cuando el dólar empiece su caída libre. Justo como se hizo con Grecia.Efectivamente, la devaluación de una hipervaluada moneda europea entra dentro del plan de acompañamiento a EEUU. Pero para eso ellos tienen que pasar PRIMERO por el patíbulo.Y en esas estamos. Esperando a que Trump & cia. tengan a bien dejar las añagazas roñosas que no llevan a ninguna parte.