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Saturno yo personalmente no lo veo, pero ojalá sea como dices.Yo lo que veo es a Macron haciendo un Zelensky 2.0 y lanzándose de cabeza a una piscina a la que no le han invitado con la certeza de que algo le han prometido entre bambalinas (igual que BoJo a Zelensky), y Macron deseando devolverle el golpe a Rusia por desplazar a Francia en el Sahel.Espero que tengas razón. Tu escenario me gusta mucho más que el mío.
Link.It’s hosted on the official Russian mil site and apparently blocks Western addresses from accessing it, but you can still do so via VPN.For the sake of authenticity, it is the March issue #3 of 2024, written by retired Colonel and veteran of military operations Oleg Falichev, and is called: Exclude the Human Factor
NYET MEANS NYET: RUSSIA'S NATO ENLARGEMENT REDLINESDate: 2008 February 1, 14:25 (Friday) Classified By: Ambassador William J. Burns. Reasons 1.4 (b) and (d).
Lo que más me inquieta de esta nueva situación, a parte de la naturalidad con la que hemos aceptado el retorno a un estado de ánimo similar al de antes de la Primera Guerra Mundial, es su verosimilitud. Comprendo la necesidad de actuar en la línea de una autonomía estratégica europea una vez que ya nada nos garantiza el paraguas militar estadounidense, o la necesidad de aumentar los medios para apoyar a Ucrania, pero ¿qué tan real es la amenaza rusa? Por lo visto en el campo de batalla ucranio, no parece que Moscú esté en condiciones de librar una guerra convencional de mucha mayor amplitud espacial. Por otra parte, las consideraciones políticas internas de los diferentes líderes europeos, o las asociadas a potenciar sus industrias de armamento, no son una razón suficiente que justifique sus mensajes, siendo nulas en los dirigentes de la UE. Todo esto nos lleva a preguntarnos si hay algo que se nos esté ocultando. Lo que no sabemos es el qué. ¿Hay datos de inteligencia que corroboren una potencial expansión rusa o incluso su predisposición a utilizar armas nucleares tácticas? O, como se nos dice, es la única estrategia posible ante la imprevisibilidad de un personaje de la calaña de Putin. Lo único cierto es que en cuanto se habla de guerra todo se oscurece, empezando por la misma información.
Esa realidad es otra: la estrategia de Defensa de la UE es un plan industrial que forma parte de la autonomía estratégica que quiere alcanzar el bloque a medio plazo. Y no solo para disuadir a Vladimir Putin, sino también por lo que pueda pasar en Estados Unidos, con la posible vuelta de Donald Trump a la Casa Blanca. Europa quiere tener en sus manos el poder de decisión sobre su propia seguridad; "es una cuestión de control", explican algunas fuentes consultadas por 20minutos, que reiteran que la Unión "solo quiere prepararse para el mundo actual, mucho más peligroso y lleno de tensiones". Nadie habla, en cambio, de "lanzarse a un enfrentamiento militar".
If you haven’t seen this yet, watch at least the first half hour, or a little more, which is the most profoundly meaningful stretch. Incidentally, according to his wiki, today just happens to be Mr. Baud’s birthday as well, so happy birthday to him.Jacques Baud worked in military intelligence, studying the Soviet way of fighting in the Cold War, and recounts his most poignant observations in the differences between how Russia and the West conduct warfare. The reason I found it particularly enjoyable is because it accords so well with my own theories [...]
APROBADO por Decreto del Presidente de la Federación de Rusia de 31 de Marzo de 2023 № 229CONCEPTOde la política exterior de la Federación de Rusia
I. Disposiciones generales1. El presente Concepto es un documento de planificación estratégica y constituye un sistema de enfoques sobre los intereses nacionales de la Federación de Rusia en materia de la política exterior, así como sobre los principios básicos, objetivos estratégicos, tareas principales y prioridades de la política exterior de la Federación de Rusia.2. El marco jurídico del presente Concepto está compuesto por la Constitución de la Federación de Rusia, los principios y normas universalmente reconocidos del derecho internacional, los tratados internacionales de la Federación de Rusia, las leyes federales y otros reglamentos jurídicos de la Federación de Rusia, que rigen la actividad de las autoridades públicas federales en materia de la política exterior.
IV. Las prioridades de la política exterior de la Federación de RusiaEl establecimiento de un orden mundial justo y sostenible[Artículo]18. Rusia se esfuerza por establecer un sistema de las relaciones internacionales que garantice la seguridad fiable, la identidad cultural y de civilización y las mismas oportunidades para desarrollarse a todos los Estados, independientemente de su ubicación geográfica, tamaño del territorio, potencial demográfico, de recursos y militar, o estructura política, económica y social. Para cumplir estos criterios, el sistema de relaciones internacionales debe ser multipolar y basarse en los siguientes principios:1) la igualdad soberana de los Estados y el respeto de su derecho a elegir modelos de desarrollo y de gobernanza social, política y económica;2) la oposición a la hegemonía en los asuntos internacionales;3) la cooperación basada en un equilibrio de intereses y beneficios mutuos;4) la no injerencia en los asuntos internos;5) el imperio del derecho internacional en la regulación de las relaciones internacionales y el rechazo de todos los Estados de la política de doble rasero;6) la seguridad indivisible a los niveles mundial y regional;7) la diversidad de culturas, civilizaciones y modelos de organización social, el rechazo de todos los Estados a imponer sus modelos de desarrollo y sus sistemas ideológicos y de valores a otros países, y el hincapié en un pillar espiritual y moral común para todas las religiones tradicionales y los sistemas éticos seculares del mundo;8·) el liderazgo responsable de los Estados principales, encaminado en garantizar unas condiciones de desarrollo estables y beneficias tanto para ellos mismos como para el resto de países y pueblos;9) la función primordial de los Estados soberanos en la toma de decisiones para el mantenimiento de la paz y la seguridad internacionales.[Artículo]19. A fin de facilitar la adaptación del orden mundial a las realidades de un mundo multipolar, la Federación de Rusia tiene la intención de priorizar:1) la eliminación de los vestigios de la dominación de Estados Unidos y otros Estados hostiles en los asuntos mundiales y la creación de las condiciones para que cualquier Estado abandone las ambiciones neocoloniales y hegemónicas;2) el mejoramiento de los mecanismos internacionales en materia de seguridad y desarrollo a nivel regional y mundial;3) la reivindicación del papel de las Naciones Unidas como mecanismo central de coordinación para alinear los intereses de los Estados miembros de la ONU y sus acciones a fin de alcanzar los objetivos de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas;4) el fortalecimiento de la capacidad y el papel internacional de los BRICS, la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái (OCS), la Comunidad de Estados Independientes (CEI), la Unión Económica Euroasiática (UEE), la Organización del Tratado de Seguridad Colectiva (OTSC), el RIC (Rusia, India, China) y otras asociaciones interestatales y organizaciones internacionales, así como mecanismos en los que Rusia juega un papel significativo;5) el apoyo de la integración regional y subregional en el marco de las instituciones, plataformas de diálogo y agrupaciones regionales multilaterales amigas en Asia-Pacífico, América Latina, África y Oriente Medio;6) la promoción de la sostenibilidad y el desarrollo progresivo del sistema jurídico internacional;7) el aseguramiento del acceso equitativo de todos los Estados a los beneficios de la economía mundial y la división internacional del trabajo, así como a las tecnologías avanzadas para un desarrollo equitativo y sostenible (incluida la seguridad energética y alimentaria mundial);8·) la intensificación de la cooperación en todos los ámbitos con los aliados y socios de Rusia y la prevención de los intentos de Estados hostiles de impedir tal cooperación;9) la consolidación de los esfuerzos internacionales encomiados a garantizar el respeto y la protección de los valores espirituales y morales universales y tradicionales (incluidas las normas éticas comunes a todas las religiones del mundo), neutralizar los intentos de imponer directrices pseudohumanistas y otras directrices ideológicas neoliberales, que resultan a la pérdida de las referencias espirituales y morales tradicionales y de los principios morales de la humanidad;10) el diálogo constructivo, la asociación y al enriquecimiento mutuo de las diferentes culturas, religiones y civilizaciones.
"Todos se van de Járkov y nosotros nos vamos a Járkov"Los camioneros ucranianos filmaron a los residentes de Jarkov abandonando la ciudad en masa.El flujo de automóviles comenzó a aumentar después de que se informó que las Fuerzas Armadas rusas habían destruido por completo la infraestructura energética de la ciudad.
The Resistance seeks to maintain their calibratory control for attriting Israel, whereas Israel wants to move directly to its ‘Armageddon vision’.
The West has set itself on a path of collective suicide — both moral and economic.
Anat Schwartz had a problem. The Israeli filmmaker and former air force intelligence official had been assigned by the New York Times to work with her partner’s nephew Adam Sella and veteran Times reporter Jeffrey Gettleman on an investigation into sexual violence by Hamas on October 7 that could reshape the way the world understood Israel’s ongoing war in the Gaza Strip. By November, global opposition was mounting against Israel’s military campaign, which had already killed thousands of children, women, and the elderly. On her social media feed, which the Times has since said it is reviewing, Schwartz liked a tweet saying that Israel needed to “turn the strip into a slaughterhouse.”“Violate any norm, on the way to victory,” read the post. “Those in front of us are human animals who do not hesitate to violate minimal rules.”The New York Times, however, does have rules and norms. Schwartz had no prior reporting experience. Her reporting partner Gettleman explained the basics to her, Schwartz said in a podcast interview on January 3, produced by Israel’s Channel 12 and conducted in Hebrew.Gettleman, she said, was concerned they “get at least two sources for every detail we put into the article, cross-check information. Do we have forensic evidence? Do we have visual evidence? Apart from telling our reader ‘this happened,’ what can we say? Can we tell what happened to whom?”
What’s most obviously insane in our country is that the insane party is pretending to nominate the mentally unfit White House place-keeper, “Joe Biden,” for reelection. You would think that if this party wanted to retain power, they would run a candidate who, though insane, was not also visibly senile. But the rank and file of this party are too insane to see that this dodge is not working. They are pretending with all their might that this is okay, that the growing faction of the sane don’t notice. Sensing the growing impatience with insanity among the voters, the insane party has reached its point of terminal desperation. What will they try next? Murder? Why not? Nothing else seemed to work. They are too far gone in their insanity to understand that winter is over. We’ve entered the season of rebirth and renewal, starting with a renewed appreciation for being sane and for that indispensable ingredient that makes liberty in a free society possible: good faith. Really, the only question left is: how rough do they intend to play to prevent the return of sanity and good faith?
Al sentir la creciente impaciencia ante la locura entre los votantes, el partido loco ha llegado a un punto de desesperación terminal. ¿Qué intentarán a continuación? ¿Asesinato? ¿Por qué no? Nada más parecía funcionar. Están demasiado sumidos en su locura para comprender que el invierno ha terminado. Hemos entrado en la temporada de renacimiento y renovación, comenzando con un renovado aprecio por estar cuerdo y por ese ingrediente indispensable que hace posible la libertad en una sociedad libre: la buena fe. En realidad, la única pregunta que queda es: ¿hasta qué punto pretenden actuar con brusquedad para impedir el retorno de la cordura y la buena fe?
https://www.ft.com/content/bd94b87a-0395-420b-a35c-909b1762650aCitarAukus weighs expanding security pact to deter China in Indo-PacificUS, UK and Australia to announce talks White House hopes will lead to Japan joining defence allianceThe US, UK and Australia are to begin talks on bringing new members into Aukus as Washington pushes for Japan to be involved in the security pact aimed as a deterrent against China. The Aukus defence ministers will announce on Monday that they will launch talks related to Pillar II of the alliance, which involves collaboration on technologies such as undersea capabilities and hypersonic weapons, according to people familiar with the situation. They are not considering expanding Pillar I, which focuses on Australia’s procurement of nuclear-powered submarines.The statement will come just before US President Joe Biden hosts Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida for a summit at the White House on Wednesday and a historic US-Japan-Philippines trilateral meeting on Thursday. The US and Japan will on Wednesday announce that they are planning the biggest upgrade to their security alliance since 1960.The Aukus pledge to begin consultations on expansion is a compromise between the allies after some US officials pushed for Japan to join Aukus formally as a member.When Aukus was launched in 2021, there was talk about others joining Pillar II at some point. As the critical ally in Asia for each member, Japan was the natural candidate for what was dubbed “Jaukus”.As Japan increases its defence spending, for example, it is investing more in developing hypersonic weapons. Bringing in other partners would also help spread the costs of developing the technologies. Speculation had mounted that Tokyo would be asked to work on Pillar II, particularly after US ambassador to Tokyo Rahm Emanuel this week said Japan was “about to become the first additional Pillar II partner”.Some in the US government privately welcomed his intervention, hoping that it would add momentum to bringing Japan into Aukus. But his comments ruffled feathers from the White House to London, Canberra and Tokyo because there was no agreement.Emanuel did not respond to a request for comment.Australia and Britain had for months been pushing back against the idea of inviting Japan at this point, partly because they want to focus on ironing out existing complications in their trilateral co-operation.Kurt Campbell, the US deputy secretary of state and an advocate for Japanese involvement in Aukus, this week said the US was separately doing development and co-production with both the UK and Australia but that “how we trilateralise some of that over time is challenging”.The UK and Australia are also concerned, as are many in Washington, that Japan still lacks the security systems required to protect highly sensitive information. Campbell appeared to concede that Tokyo had more work to do, saying the US had been urging it to take measures.“Japan has taken some of those steps, but not all of them,” Campbell said at an Aukus event at CNAS, a think-tank in Washington.Canberra stresses the need to focus on the submarine programme before expanding Aukus by adding countries to Pillar II. “All three still agree that getting Pillar I locked in is the priority,” said one person familiar with the discussions between the Aukus allies.The issue has sparked much debate between the allies and inside the US administration. At one point, there was an idea to have Biden, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak issue a joint statement to generate more impact. But they ultimately opted to have the defence ministers announce the move.The Aukus statement will potentially pave the way for Biden and Kishida to include an aspirational reference about future Japanese involvement in the joint statement they will issue after their summit.There has also been debate in Japan. While Tokyo has been a strong supporter of Aukus, some officials have been cautious about pushing too hard to be included given the divisions within the Aukus countries.In an interview with the Financial Times and other media on Friday, Kishida said no formal decision had been made on how Japan would co-operate with Aukus in the future.“To achieve a free and open Indo-Pacific, we would like to continue various efforts to strengthen our co-operation with the US, Australia and the UK, who are important partners in security and defence,” he said.
Aukus weighs expanding security pact to deter China in Indo-PacificUS, UK and Australia to announce talks White House hopes will lead to Japan joining defence allianceThe US, UK and Australia are to begin talks on bringing new members into Aukus as Washington pushes for Japan to be involved in the security pact aimed as a deterrent against China. The Aukus defence ministers will announce on Monday that they will launch talks related to Pillar II of the alliance, which involves collaboration on technologies such as undersea capabilities and hypersonic weapons, according to people familiar with the situation. They are not considering expanding Pillar I, which focuses on Australia’s procurement of nuclear-powered submarines.The statement will come just before US President Joe Biden hosts Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida for a summit at the White House on Wednesday and a historic US-Japan-Philippines trilateral meeting on Thursday. The US and Japan will on Wednesday announce that they are planning the biggest upgrade to their security alliance since 1960.The Aukus pledge to begin consultations on expansion is a compromise between the allies after some US officials pushed for Japan to join Aukus formally as a member.When Aukus was launched in 2021, there was talk about others joining Pillar II at some point. As the critical ally in Asia for each member, Japan was the natural candidate for what was dubbed “Jaukus”.As Japan increases its defence spending, for example, it is investing more in developing hypersonic weapons. Bringing in other partners would also help spread the costs of developing the technologies. Speculation had mounted that Tokyo would be asked to work on Pillar II, particularly after US ambassador to Tokyo Rahm Emanuel this week said Japan was “about to become the first additional Pillar II partner”.Some in the US government privately welcomed his intervention, hoping that it would add momentum to bringing Japan into Aukus. But his comments ruffled feathers from the White House to London, Canberra and Tokyo because there was no agreement.Emanuel did not respond to a request for comment.Australia and Britain had for months been pushing back against the idea of inviting Japan at this point, partly because they want to focus on ironing out existing complications in their trilateral co-operation.Kurt Campbell, the US deputy secretary of state and an advocate for Japanese involvement in Aukus, this week said the US was separately doing development and co-production with both the UK and Australia but that “how we trilateralise some of that over time is challenging”.The UK and Australia are also concerned, as are many in Washington, that Japan still lacks the security systems required to protect highly sensitive information. Campbell appeared to concede that Tokyo had more work to do, saying the US had been urging it to take measures.“Japan has taken some of those steps, but not all of them,” Campbell said at an Aukus event at CNAS, a think-tank in Washington.Canberra stresses the need to focus on the submarine programme before expanding Aukus by adding countries to Pillar II. “All three still agree that getting Pillar I locked in is the priority,” said one person familiar with the discussions between the Aukus allies.The issue has sparked much debate between the allies and inside the US administration. At one point, there was an idea to have Biden, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak issue a joint statement to generate more impact. But they ultimately opted to have the defence ministers announce the move.The Aukus statement will potentially pave the way for Biden and Kishida to include an aspirational reference about future Japanese involvement in the joint statement they will issue after their summit.There has also been debate in Japan. While Tokyo has been a strong supporter of Aukus, some officials have been cautious about pushing too hard to be included given the divisions within the Aukus countries.In an interview with the Financial Times and other media on Friday, Kishida said no formal decision had been made on how Japan would co-operate with Aukus in the future.“To achieve a free and open Indo-Pacific, we would like to continue various efforts to strengthen our co-operation with the US, Australia and the UK, who are important partners in security and defence,” he said.