Los administradores de TransicionEstructural no se responsabilizan de las opiniones vertidas por los usuarios del foro. Cada usuario asume la responsabilidad de los comentarios publicados.
0 Usuarios y 3 Visitantes están viendo este tema.
Résultats quasi définitifs publiés par le ministère de l'intérieur : https://www.resultats-elections.interieur.gouv.fr/legislatives2024/ensemble_geographique/index.htmlCódigo: [Seleccionar]Liste des nuances Voix % Inscrits % Exprimés SiègesRN Rassemblement National 9 377 183 19,01 29,25 37UG Union de la gauche 8 974 547 18,19 27,99 32ENS Ensemble ! (Major. présid) 6 425 568 13,02 20,04 2LR Les Républicains 2 104 981 4,27 6,57 1UXD Union de l'extrême droite 1 251 205 2,54 3,90 1DVD Divers droite 1 172 541 2,38 3,66 2DVG Divers gauche 491 069 1,00 1,53 0DVC Divers centre 391 418 0,79 1,22 0EXG Extrême gauche 367 165 0,74 1,15 0REG Régionaliste 335 822 0,68 1,05 0REC Reconquête ! 239 986 0,49 0,75 0HOR Horizons 231 664 0,47 0,72 0ECO Ecologistes 181 989 0,37 0,57 0UDI Union des Dém & Indép 163 072 0,33 0,51 0DIV Divers 142 890 0,29 0,45 0DSV Droite souverainiste 90 090 0,18 0,28 0EXD Extrême droite 59 679 0,12 0,19 1SOC Parti socialiste 29 242 0,06 0,09 0RDG Parti radical de gauche 12 434 0,03 0,04 0FI La France insoumise 12 223 0,02 0,04 0COM Parti communiste français 3 126 0,01 0,01 0VEC Les Ecologistes 2 668 0,01 0,01 0Moi aussi ça m'a fait sursauter, une telle différence entre les estimations à 20h et les résultats officiels. À peine un point d'écart entre RN et le NFP finalement ? Non, le truc c'est que dans les 34% donnés pour le RN, il y avait les 3.9% des candidats LR et DLF soutenus par le RN (UXD)
Liste des nuances Voix % Inscrits % Exprimés SiègesRN Rassemblement National 9 377 183 19,01 29,25 37UG Union de la gauche 8 974 547 18,19 27,99 32ENS Ensemble ! (Major. présid) 6 425 568 13,02 20,04 2LR Les Républicains 2 104 981 4,27 6,57 1UXD Union de l'extrême droite 1 251 205 2,54 3,90 1DVD Divers droite 1 172 541 2,38 3,66 2DVG Divers gauche 491 069 1,00 1,53 0DVC Divers centre 391 418 0,79 1,22 0EXG Extrême gauche 367 165 0,74 1,15 0REG Régionaliste 335 822 0,68 1,05 0REC Reconquête ! 239 986 0,49 0,75 0HOR Horizons 231 664 0,47 0,72 0ECO Ecologistes 181 989 0,37 0,57 0UDI Union des Dém & Indép 163 072 0,33 0,51 0DIV Divers 142 890 0,29 0,45 0DSV Droite souverainiste 90 090 0,18 0,28 0EXD Extrême droite 59 679 0,12 0,19 1SOC Parti socialiste 29 242 0,06 0,09 0RDG Parti radical de gauche 12 434 0,03 0,04 0FI La France insoumise 12 223 0,02 0,04 0COM Parti communiste français 3 126 0,01 0,01 0VEC Les Ecologistes 2 668 0,01 0,01 0
Le roi va voir son maitre ?https://x.com/_Direct_News/status/1807464216414077275
https://www.eleconomista.es/empleo/noticias/12886589/06/24/el-teletrabajo-se-hunde-solo-un-19-de-la-poblacion-tiene-planeado-teletrabajar-este-verano.htmlSaludos.
https://www.politico.eu/article/the-dirty-little-secret-no-politician-will-admit-there-are-no-cost-less-ways-to-go-for-growth/CitarThe dirty little secret no politician will admit: There is no way to ‘go for growth’ BY IZABELLA KAMINSKAEverything now is just a euphemism for financial repression and austerity. That doesn’t stop politicians looking for magical alternatives.Britain's Institute of Fiscal Studies described a "conspiracy of silence" about the reality of former Prime Minister Liz Truss's economic plan. | Leon Neal/Getty ImagesInvestment professionals and politicians who spurned Liz Truss's “go for growth” strategy for the British economy are slowly waking up to an uncomfortable truth.The former U.K. Prime Minister's plan, which relied on unfunded tax cuts that were perceived to be inflationary, may have been the only growth plan for Europe's economies to escape over-indebtedness and low productivity without having to turn to austerity or greater state control of the economy. Not that any of them are prepared to admit it.Britain's Institute of Fiscal Studies on Monday described parties' reluctance to admit as much on Monday as “a conspiracy of silence” arguing Labour's pledge to rule out tax hikes was a “mistake.” “We wish Labour had not made those tax locks and it will be difficult [politically] to break,” IFS director Paul Johnson said about the party currently leading the polls.But it's not just British politicians who are refusing to face up to reality. In France, where an impending snap parliamentary election threatens to empower extremists on both sides of the political spectrum — to the cost of President Emmanuel Macron's centrist Renaissance party — there is a similar reluctance to admit there are only bad options on the table.French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire highlighted last week, after French bonds began to wobble, that anything short of centrism risks placing France under the supervision of Brussels and the International Monetary Fund.What he failed to point out is that even supposedly sensible centrists face having to do the unthinkable in the longer run.“They have to go to financial repression because high growth as a strategy out of over-indebtedness is not going to be funded by the bond market,” Russell Napier, an influential investment advisor who authors the Solid Ground newsletter, told POLITICO. “I think it doesn't matter who you vote for, you end up with roughly the same thing. So the market's not maybe saying ‘we're very sanguine about Labour [in the U.K.].’ They're just saying: ‘It doesn't really matter who you vote for. We are heading toward this route.’”Incoming financial repressionThat route, in Napier's opinion, means it's time for financial repression: putting a lid on the free movement of capital and having the government and other technocratic institutions increasingly determine which sectors benefit from public sector funding, and even more critically, from private sector funding too.The pathway takes Europe much closer to the dirigiste policies that dominated the continent in the post-war period and away from the market-based liberalism that investors have become used to over the past four decades.Truss's risky tax cuts had hoped to avoid a push towards state-guided credit rationing by unleashing the power of the private sector and the financial industry to stimulate such a high rate of growth that the accompanying inflation just wouldn't matter — especially if the Bank of England's interest rate policy acted in support.But the dilemma facing France, one of the EU's largest economies, encapsulates three further political complexities: Paris does not control its own monetary policy, its public sector spending capacity is restricted by fiscal rules created in Brussels — which it is now officially in breach of — and any move to direct private sector financing domestically could clash with the bloc's greater efforts to create a single capital markets and banking union.That doesn't leave much wiggle room for any incoming French government to experiment with a “dash for growth”, either of the free-market Truss variety, or — which is more relevant for France — the free-spending government interventionist one.Politicization of the ECBFor Macron, the stakes are abundantly clear. In a speech to the Sorbonne University in April, he said: “We must be clear on the fact that our Europe, today, is mortal. It can die. It can die, and that depends entirely on our choices. But these choices must be made now.”But in the same speech he, too, advocated a wholesale reordering of Europe's economic framework largely because he — like the populists on either side of him — can't afford everything he wants.The current economic model, he said, is no longer sustainable “because we legitimately want to have everything, but it doesn’t hold together.”Like all of the French presidents of the last 25 years, Macron has faced this constraint on domestic policymaking by trying to co-opt the one institution that has no formal constraints on creating money out of thin air — the European Central Bank. In his Sorbonne speech, he stressed that “you cannot have a monetary policy whose sole objective is to address inflation.”The ECB's mandate can only be updated by changing the whole EU treaty, something for which Europe's leaders have no appetite. But even within its current legal straitjacket, the ECB has found plenty of ways to support national governments when it can, with a sequence of tools and programs that have allowed it to buy their bonds and keep their borrowing costs below where they would naturally have been.It's the newest of these tools that is likely to play a key role in the next few weeks. The ECB has stopped net purchases of bonds as part of its broader policy to bring inflation down, but it has one tool — so far untested — that it can use to alleviate any market stress after the elections: the so-called Transmission Protection Instrument.The TPI allows the ECB to buy the bonds of individual governments whose borrowing costs it considers out of step with macroeconomic fundamentals. The idea is to ensure that its single monetary policy applies reasonably equally across the whole euro area. But it creates substantial scope for the ECB to exercise financial repression on behalf of those it considers aligned with its own mission.It implies that the ECB knows better than markets what the value of a government promise to pay is. And in not setting any ex ante limits to the scale of its interventions, it has bestowed upon itself enormous power to take on the markets if it disagrees with them strongly enough.It's this power that Macron may want to harness if he is still able to present a budget he can call his own after July. But by the same token, he will want to ensure that the ECB denies that support to his opponents if they emerge victorious, just as it did to Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi and Greece’s Alexis Tsipras a decade ago.According to Napier, whether the ECB ultimately decides to use the TPI or not, the decision will have political implications, not least because it will change the parameters of what the central bank is really prepared to do save the euro, and on whose behalf.“If you think Macron is an ally of the [European] project, then you don't use it until after there's some type of chaos,” Napier said.Many things could still change between now and July 7. The far right National Rally's Jordan Bardella, for example, has already walked back some of the party's spendiest plans, aiming to reassure markets that conflict with the EU over its fiscal rules can be avoided.But in an interview with the FT published on Thursday, Bardella upset the bond markets again by saying he'd campaign for a big rebate from the EU budget, only hours after his ally and mentor Marine Le Pen signaled that a National Rally government would try to wrest away Macron's powers as commander-in-chief.In other words, the threat of major market instability in July remains alive and well. And, as Napier put it: “If bond yields blow up in France they can blow up anywhere.”
The dirty little secret no politician will admit: There is no way to ‘go for growth’ BY IZABELLA KAMINSKAEverything now is just a euphemism for financial repression and austerity. That doesn’t stop politicians looking for magical alternatives.Britain's Institute of Fiscal Studies described a "conspiracy of silence" about the reality of former Prime Minister Liz Truss's economic plan. | Leon Neal/Getty ImagesInvestment professionals and politicians who spurned Liz Truss's “go for growth” strategy for the British economy are slowly waking up to an uncomfortable truth.The former U.K. Prime Minister's plan, which relied on unfunded tax cuts that were perceived to be inflationary, may have been the only growth plan for Europe's economies to escape over-indebtedness and low productivity without having to turn to austerity or greater state control of the economy. Not that any of them are prepared to admit it.Britain's Institute of Fiscal Studies on Monday described parties' reluctance to admit as much on Monday as “a conspiracy of silence” arguing Labour's pledge to rule out tax hikes was a “mistake.” “We wish Labour had not made those tax locks and it will be difficult [politically] to break,” IFS director Paul Johnson said about the party currently leading the polls.But it's not just British politicians who are refusing to face up to reality. In France, where an impending snap parliamentary election threatens to empower extremists on both sides of the political spectrum — to the cost of President Emmanuel Macron's centrist Renaissance party — there is a similar reluctance to admit there are only bad options on the table.French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire highlighted last week, after French bonds began to wobble, that anything short of centrism risks placing France under the supervision of Brussels and the International Monetary Fund.What he failed to point out is that even supposedly sensible centrists face having to do the unthinkable in the longer run.“They have to go to financial repression because high growth as a strategy out of over-indebtedness is not going to be funded by the bond market,” Russell Napier, an influential investment advisor who authors the Solid Ground newsletter, told POLITICO. “I think it doesn't matter who you vote for, you end up with roughly the same thing. So the market's not maybe saying ‘we're very sanguine about Labour [in the U.K.].’ They're just saying: ‘It doesn't really matter who you vote for. We are heading toward this route.’”Incoming financial repressionThat route, in Napier's opinion, means it's time for financial repression: putting a lid on the free movement of capital and having the government and other technocratic institutions increasingly determine which sectors benefit from public sector funding, and even more critically, from private sector funding too.The pathway takes Europe much closer to the dirigiste policies that dominated the continent in the post-war period and away from the market-based liberalism that investors have become used to over the past four decades.Truss's risky tax cuts had hoped to avoid a push towards state-guided credit rationing by unleashing the power of the private sector and the financial industry to stimulate such a high rate of growth that the accompanying inflation just wouldn't matter — especially if the Bank of England's interest rate policy acted in support.But the dilemma facing France, one of the EU's largest economies, encapsulates three further political complexities: Paris does not control its own monetary policy, its public sector spending capacity is restricted by fiscal rules created in Brussels — which it is now officially in breach of — and any move to direct private sector financing domestically could clash with the bloc's greater efforts to create a single capital markets and banking union.That doesn't leave much wiggle room for any incoming French government to experiment with a “dash for growth”, either of the free-market Truss variety, or — which is more relevant for France — the free-spending government interventionist one.Politicization of the ECBFor Macron, the stakes are abundantly clear. In a speech to the Sorbonne University in April, he said: “We must be clear on the fact that our Europe, today, is mortal. It can die. It can die, and that depends entirely on our choices. But these choices must be made now.”But in the same speech he, too, advocated a wholesale reordering of Europe's economic framework largely because he — like the populists on either side of him — can't afford everything he wants.The current economic model, he said, is no longer sustainable “because we legitimately want to have everything, but it doesn’t hold together.”Like all of the French presidents of the last 25 years, Macron has faced this constraint on domestic policymaking by trying to co-opt the one institution that has no formal constraints on creating money out of thin air — the European Central Bank. In his Sorbonne speech, he stressed that “you cannot have a monetary policy whose sole objective is to address inflation.”The ECB's mandate can only be updated by changing the whole EU treaty, something for which Europe's leaders have no appetite. But even within its current legal straitjacket, the ECB has found plenty of ways to support national governments when it can, with a sequence of tools and programs that have allowed it to buy their bonds and keep their borrowing costs below where they would naturally have been.It's the newest of these tools that is likely to play a key role in the next few weeks. The ECB has stopped net purchases of bonds as part of its broader policy to bring inflation down, but it has one tool — so far untested — that it can use to alleviate any market stress after the elections: the so-called Transmission Protection Instrument.The TPI allows the ECB to buy the bonds of individual governments whose borrowing costs it considers out of step with macroeconomic fundamentals. The idea is to ensure that its single monetary policy applies reasonably equally across the whole euro area. But it creates substantial scope for the ECB to exercise financial repression on behalf of those it considers aligned with its own mission.It implies that the ECB knows better than markets what the value of a government promise to pay is. And in not setting any ex ante limits to the scale of its interventions, it has bestowed upon itself enormous power to take on the markets if it disagrees with them strongly enough.It's this power that Macron may want to harness if he is still able to present a budget he can call his own after July. But by the same token, he will want to ensure that the ECB denies that support to his opponents if they emerge victorious, just as it did to Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi and Greece’s Alexis Tsipras a decade ago.According to Napier, whether the ECB ultimately decides to use the TPI or not, the decision will have political implications, not least because it will change the parameters of what the central bank is really prepared to do save the euro, and on whose behalf.“If you think Macron is an ally of the [European] project, then you don't use it until after there's some type of chaos,” Napier said.Many things could still change between now and July 7. The far right National Rally's Jordan Bardella, for example, has already walked back some of the party's spendiest plans, aiming to reassure markets that conflict with the EU over its fiscal rules can be avoided.But in an interview with the FT published on Thursday, Bardella upset the bond markets again by saying he'd campaign for a big rebate from the EU budget, only hours after his ally and mentor Marine Le Pen signaled that a National Rally government would try to wrest away Macron's powers as commander-in-chief.In other words, the threat of major market instability in July remains alive and well. And, as Napier put it: “If bond yields blow up in France they can blow up anywhere.”
Don't blame your misfortunes on meYou've done this all on your ownSo many others are too blind to seeWell, let me throw the first stoneYou're not my problem(Not my problem)It's not my problem(Not my problem)Keep it to yourself
Citi was money launderers’ favourite bank, US law enforcement officials sayAlleged drug traffickers fed $36,000 into cash machines, indictment claimsDrug traffickers chose to launder money through Citigroup because they believed the bank was “more favourable”, with less robust fraud controls, according to senior US law enforcement officials.In an indictment unsealed last week, US prosecutors detailed how two California residents, who allegedly worked with the notorious Sinaloa cartel, deposited tens of thousands of dollars at Citi ATMs.On at least three separate occasions in January 2021, they allegedly fed a total of almost $36,000 in illicit cash into the machines, a few hundred dollars at a time, waiting just a minute or two between each transaction.By splitting the sum into dozens of smaller deposits, prosecutors claim, they stayed below the $10,000 threshold at which banks are required to report cash transactions to the US Treasury.Drug Enforcement Administration officials told the Financial Times that the duo, alleged to be part of a vast criminal network that cleaned at least $50mn in fentanyl and meth proceeds in the US, scoped out several banks before choosing Citi.One senior official said: “There are banks that pay less attention than others.”A second senior DEA official said: “I will name one [bank]. There were two instances where in this investigation we had money couriers making 24 back-to-back deposits totalling $16,000 to a Citibank ATM . . . There were 15 back-to-back deposits totalling $20,000 also to a Citibank ATM . . . They figure out the places that are more favourable to them.”While there were no reporting requirements for the individual transactions, the pattern of the deposits should have aroused suspicion, the DEA official said.The two men — Guillermo Zambrano and Luis Belandria-Contreras — “were definitely trying to keep [the deposits] below the threshold so as not to send up any red flags, but I would imagine that 24 back-to-back deposits by the same person, totalling $16,000 would set off some type of an alert”, the senior official added.A lawyer for Belandria-Contreras did not respond to a request for comment. A lawyer for Zambrano, John Targowski, said his client engaged in the alleged acts only because he was in debt and threatened with kidnapping by a cartel member, and that he intended to “pursue a duress defence”. Both have pleaded not guilty.Citi declined to comment on the specific case, citing secrecy requirements around transaction reporting. The bank said it had “robust anti-money laundering policies”, adding: “When we find evidence of such activity, we notify the authorities as required and fully co-operate with any investigation through appropriate legal processes.”The indictment also details how another defendant, Jiayong Yu, allegedly deposited a cashier’s cheque at a JPMorgan Chase ATM, and “approximately $100,000 of United States currency at a Chase Bank teller window” last year. There was no suggestion that Chase failed to flag the transaction. Chase declined to comment. Yu has pleaded not guilty to related charges. His lawyer did not respond to a request for comment.Law enforcement officials have for years warned that Mexican drug traffickers and Chinese accomplices have become ever more adept at laundering cash via the legitimate banking system.“We’re seeing a huge uptick in money, cash being deposited in banks and then wired wherever,” the first senior DEA official said. They added that tens of thousands of dollars were being sent back to China each month via money transfer institutions in Flushing, New York.In 2012, the Department of Justice fined HSBC $1.9bn for failing to prevent money laundering by cartels in Mexico, after an investigation found that hundreds of thousands of dollars were being deposited with the bank each day through teller windows at HSBC Mexico branches.Prosecutors said drug traffickers even “designed specially shaped boxes that fit the precise dimensions of the teller windows”.Money-laundering schemes have since become much more sophisticated, through a mutually beneficial arrangement with Chinese nationals in the US who use encrypted apps, cryptocurrency and mirror transactions in underground Chinese banks to hide their tracks.“The cartels are desperate to get cash made from the sale of drugs in the United States back down to Mexico,” said Martin Estrada, the US attorney for the Central District of California, last month.“The Chinese money-laundering groups, on the other hand, are in the business of helping wealthy Chinese nationals obtain cash in this country and thereby circumvent export controls in China on the movement of cash.” Thanks to the explosion in fentanyl trafficking, this results in “virtually limitless supplies of cash”, Estrada added.Tracking such transactions has been difficult for law enforcement. “The growth and the expansion of this,” the first senior DEA official said, “has gone past what law enforcement track and monitor”.
De la Torre pide una reflexión de todas las administraciones y el sector privado sobre la viviendahttps://www.diariosur.es/malaga/alcalde-malaga-problema-vivienda-reflexion-20240630231703-nt.htmlAl margen del tradicional pasarse la pelota los unos a los otros, lo que me parece más significativo es que Sur ofrezca este contenido en abierto. Da la sensación –si las sensaciones valen para algo– de que se ha oficializado por parte de los CCGG del Capitalismo que la vivienda es un problema o, mejor dicho, el problema.
Se está liando parda en Francia, y nunca mejor dicho.
Cita de: Cadavre Exquis en Julio 01, 2024, 07:45:13 amhttps://www.eleconomista.es/empleo/noticias/12886589/06/24/el-teletrabajo-se-hunde-solo-un-19-de-la-poblacion-tiene-planeado-teletrabajar-este-verano.htmlSaludos.Todo en el mismo "periódico" (por llamar así al panfleto): "los precios de la vivienda suben y eso es genial", "España no está siendo competitiva" y "teletrabajo caca, es esencial la presencialidad para ser productivos".
Cita de: Neuromante en Julio 01, 2024, 12:57:21 pmDe la Torre pide una reflexión de todas las administraciones y el sector privado sobre la viviendahttps://www.diariosur.es/malaga/alcalde-malaga-problema-vivienda-reflexion-20240630231703-nt.htmlAl margen del tradicional pasarse la pelota los unos a los otros, lo que me parece más significativo es que Sur ofrezca este contenido en abierto. Da la sensación –si las sensaciones valen para algo– de que se ha oficializado por parte de los CCGG del Capitalismo que la vivienda es un problema o, mejor dicho, el problema.Y las propuestas siguen siendo tímidas, con toneladas de condicionantes como declaraciones de "zonas tensionadas" (asqueroso eufemismo) para asegurarse de que no pierden el control del cotarro y no pierden demasiados votos.Luego que si viene la ultraderecha y demás mierdas. Es lo normal dada la pusilanimidad de todos los políticos que sólo se dedican a marear la perdiz.A ver si alguien tiene huevos a abrir la veda de verdad (como lo del otro día de Barcelona, pero en serio).
Cita de: tomasjos en Junio 30, 2024, 23:38:59 pmSe está liando parda en Francia, y nunca mejor dicho.Los grandes culpables del alza del pardismo en europa son los partidos de izquierda con sus políticas alejadas del trabajador y dedicados a luchar por cosas anecdóticas alejadas del día a día del trabajador q madruga y sus familias .Espero q ardan en el infierno por esta deriva estupida que ha dejado huérfano al trabajador de a pie
Cita de: cujo en Julio 01, 2024, 14:33:42 pmCita de: tomasjos en Junio 30, 2024, 23:38:59 pmSe está liando parda en Francia, y nunca mejor dicho.Los grandes culpables del alza del pardismo en europa son los partidos de izquierda con sus políticas alejadas del trabajador y dedicados a luchar por cosas anecdóticas alejadas del día a día del trabajador q madruga y sus familias .Espero q ardan en el infierno por esta deriva estupida que ha dejado huérfano al trabajador de a pieSí, pero si (sin acento) aceptas qué es la izquierda... según los media. Piensa mejor en izquierda por los sindicatos... Pon todos los filtros que consideres... necesarios.